Rethinking the State of Emergency on Education in Zamfara State

Rethinking Education Emergency in Zamfara State

A Policy Essay by the Gusau Education Development Association (GEDA)

The declaration of a state of emergency on education by the Government of Zamfara State was both timely and necessary. For many years, the education sector of the State has been confronted by low enrolment, poor learning outcomes, inadequate infrastructure, a shortage of qualified teachers, weak supervision and the disruption of schooling by insecurity. The declaration correctly recognised that the condition of education could no longer be treated as a routine administrative matter. It demanded urgent and sustained action.

The steps taken so far are commendable. The Government commenced the construction and rehabilitation of 245 schools across the 14 Local Government Areas, with provision for 9,542 two-seater desks, classrooms, water, sanitation and hygiene facilities, fencing and Tsangaya schools (Zamfara State, 2023). It also settled inherited examination-fee liabilities, embarked upon further construction and renovation affecting over 290 schools, and placed emphasis on furniture and continuous teacher training (Zamfara State, 2024). The State Medium-Term Basic Education Strategic Plan, 2024–2027, further identifies access, quality, system strengthening, skills acquisition and self-reliance as major priorities (Zamfara State Universal Basic Education, 2025).

More recently, the approval of a 120-day Rapid Intervention Action Plan has added an important diagnostic and institutional dimension to the emergency response. The Plan provides for payroll audits, school mapping, infrastructure assessment and time-bound interventions in governance, infrastructure, digital transformation, teacher development and pupil welfare. It also envisages a unified Education Sector Bill, a Steering Committee and a Technical Working Group drawing membership from government, teachers, traditional and religious leaders, civil society and “development partners” (Zamfara State, 2026). These are significant measures. They deserve the support of all people who are genuinely concerned about the future of the State.

However, an emergency response should not be reduced to the rehabilitation of classrooms, the purchase of furniture, the payment of examination fees or the recruitment of teachers, important as these measures are. These interventions address visible deficiencies. They do not, by themselves, answer the more fundamental question of what kind of education Zamfara State seeks to provide and what kind of society that education is intended to build.

The essence of any education policy worth its salt is to produce well-rounded individuals who can understand and interrogate the world around them. Education should equip a person to read, write, reason and acquire a livelihood. It should also cultivate sound character, moral judgement, curiosity, creativity, civic responsibility and the confidence to question received ideas. It should prepare learners not merely to fit into the world as it is, but to participate intelligently in shaping the world as it ought to be. Freire (2018) makes a similar distinction between education that treats learners as passive recipients of information and education that develops critical consciousness. Biesta (2010) also cautions that the measurement of educational outcomes can displace the prior question of educational purpose.

For this reason, the starting point of a serious reform is conceptual clarity. In public policy, just as in academic research, the quality of the answer depends largely on the quality of the question. A policy that begins with the wrong diagnosis may be efficiently implemented and still fail to solve the problem. Zamfara State must, therefore, begin by asking: What do we mean by education? What kind of human being do we want the system to produce? Where are we heading as a society? What knowledge, values and capabilities will be required to take us there? What are the social, cultural, economic, institutional and security constraints? How will progress be defined and measured?

These questions are not abstract diversions. They determine the curriculum, the language of instruction, the place of religious and moral education, the training of teachers, the design of schools, the relationship between formal education and the Tsangaya system, and the balance among academic, technical and vocational learning. They also determine whether success is measured only by enrolment, examination results and certificates, or by what learners know, what they can do, how they behave and how they contribute to society.

There is also a need to examine the influence of neoliberal multilateral institutions on education policy critically. External institutions have contributed funding, data, technical support and useful comparative experience. Their contribution should not be dismissed. However, the concepts and priorities promoted through global education policy are not always neutral; they are value-loaded. They may reflect assumptions about development, labour markets, measurement and social organisation that emerged from experiences different from our own. Tikly (2004) shows how the global education agenda can operate within wider relations of power, while Crossley and Tikly (2004) argue for greater attention to history, culture and local knowledge in comparative education. The implication is not that Zamfara State should reject international assistance. It is that the State must retain intellectual ownership of its education policy.

A borrowed policy may produce impressive indicators without producing the society we desire. The choice of subjects, the content of textbooks, the language through which knowledge is conveyed and the definition of a successful learner all embody particular ideas about the human person and society. Zamfara State should, therefore, engage with global knowledge selectively. Useful ideas should be adapted to local realities. No institution, however influential, should determine for us the ultimate purpose of the education of our children.

This requires attention to our ontology and to the relationship among the individual, society, nature and knowledge. Education founded only on competition, private advancement and preparation for the labour market will be too narrow. It may produce certificate holders, but not necessarily responsible citizens. It may encourage the learner to see knowledge merely as an instrument for personal gain. A sound system should recognise human dignity, responsibility to the community, stewardship of the natural environment, respect for honest labour and the moral limits of material acquisition. Education must serve economic development, but economic utility should not exhaust its meaning. Sen (1999) similarly understands development as the expansion of human freedom and capability, rather than the mere accumulation of income.

The culture, history and religious character of Zamfara State must have a legitimate place in this conception. This does not mean closing the minds of learners to science, technology or the wider world. On the contrary, a learner who is secure in his or her identity is better placed to engage the world with confidence. Our education system should produce young people who can use modern science and technology, communicate beyond their immediate environment and compete nationally and internationally, while remaining grounded in honesty, compassion, discipline, service and responsibility to the community.

The reform should also avoid a false choice between access and quality. A child who is out of school has been denied an opportunity. A child who attends school for years without learning has suffered a different form of denial. School mapping and enrolment drives should, therefore, be accompanied by reliable measures of foundational literacy and numeracy, attendance, teacher presence, progression, completion and transition.

Teachers must occupy the centre of the reform. No education system can rise above the quality, motivation and moral standing of its teachers. Payroll verification is necessary, particularly where public funds may be lost through irregular appointments or absenteeism. Yet an audit should not be mistaken for a teacher policy. The State needs accurate information on the number, qualifications, subject specialisations, location and attendance of teachers. It also needs a fair deployment system, continuous professional development, supportive supervision, adequate teaching materials, incentives for service in difficult areas and a credible path for professional advancement.

The relationship between conventional schools and Qur’anic and Tsangaya education also requires careful thought. The objective should not be to displace a long-standing institution or treat its learners as a social problem. It should be to widen their opportunities while respecting the religious purpose of the system. Literacy, numeracy, health knowledge, civic education and practical skills can be integrated through consultation with scholars, teachers, parents and Tsangaya proprietors. Reform imposed without trust will be resisted. Reform developed through dialogue is more likely to endure.

Insecurity remains a central constraint. A school cannot fulfil its purpose if learners, parents and teachers do not feel safe. Fencing and the removal of illegal structures around schools are useful steps, but the challenge requires more than physical protection. Each affected community should participate in risk assessment, early warning, school safety planning and arrangements for continuity of learning when normal attendance becomes impossible. Psychosocial support is also required for children and teachers who have experienced violence or displacement.

It is our considered position that salvaging education and securing the future of Zamfara State require a whole-society approach. The term “stakeholder” is frequently used in this context, but it arose largely from the language of corporate management, where it referred to parties with a stake in the decisions of a firm (Freeman, 1984). Education is more than an enterprise in which competing parties hold stakes. It is a public good and a responsibility owed to every child. According to UNESCO (as cited in Ismail, 2024), education is a public endeavour and a common good. Expressions such as “the education community”, “rights-holders and duty-bearers”, “social partners” or, more simply, “all persons and institutions concerned with education” may better convey the relationship required.

Accordingly, the Government should convene a broad Zamfara Education Dialogue. Participation should include teachers, learners, parents, Islamic scholars, traditional rulers, academics, civil servants, private school proprietors, Tsangaya teachers, women and youth groups, persons with disabilities, professional bodies, employers, artisans and civil society organisations. Multilateral institutions and external funding agencies should participate and offer technical support, but the people of Zamfara State should lead the definition of the problem, the formulation of the vision and the setting of priorities.

The Dialogue should produce a concise Zamfara Philosophy and Framework for Education. The document should state the purpose of education in the State, the attributes expected of every learner, the place of knowledge, faith, character, citizenship, productive skills and technology, and the responsibilities of the Government, families, communities and educational institutions. It should guide the proposed unified Education Sector Bill, the curriculum adaptations permitted under national policy, teacher development, resource allocation and the monitoring of outcomes.

The 120-day intervention should then be treated as the first phase of a longer reform, not as the reform itself. At the end of the period, the Government should publish a clear account of what was found, what was done, what remains outstanding and what the next phase will address. Baseline figures and annual targets should be made public. Independent review by respected educators and community representatives will strengthen confidence and enable correction where necessary.

The declaration of emergency has created an opportunity that should not be lost. The measures taken so far show political will and provide a foundation for recovery. The next task is to ensure that activity is governed by purpose, that investment is guided by evidence and that the people whose future is at stake participate meaningfully in defining that future. If Zamfara State asks the right questions now, it will be better placed to build an education system that is accessible, intellectually liberating, morally grounded, culturally confident and capable of preparing its people for the demands of a changing world.

 

 

References:

 

Biesta, G. J. (2010). Why ‘what works’ still won’t work: From evidence-based education to value-based education. Studies in philosophy and education, 29(5), 491–503.

Freeman, R. E. (1984). Strategic management: A stakeholder approach. Pitman.

Freire, P. (2018). Teachers as cultural workers: Letters to those who dare teach. Routledge.

Ismail, M. O. (2024). Analyzing ICESCO’s Capitals of Culture Program: Impacts on Education, Science, and Culture in Comparison to UNESCO and Global Initiatives. International Journal of Religion, 5(1), 150–169.

Sen, A. (1999). Freedom. Development, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Tikly*, L. (2004). Education and the new imperialism. Comparative Education, 40(2), 173–198.

Zamfara State, G. (2023). I’ll restore the glory of education in Zamfara, says Governor Lawal.

Zamfara State, G. (2024). Gov. Lawal receives FCET Governing Council, says college critical to his administration’s state of emergency on education.

Zamfara State, G. (2026). Gov. Lawal chairs Council meeting, approves 120-day rapid intervention plan for Zamfara’s education.

Zamfara State Universal Basic Education, B. (2025). Zamfara State medium-term basic education strategic plan, 2024–2027. https://zamfara.gov.ng/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/ZAMFARA-SMTBESP-CYCLE-4-2024-2027-SENT-FINALLL.pdf